From Fianna Fáil, October 10, 1914.
The Manifesto from the Provisional Committee has given more widespread relief to the Irish Volunteers than anything that has occurred since Mr. Redmond’s nominees joined the Committee. Men who assented to that unconstitutional procedure rather than disrupt the organisation nevertheless felt misgiving, and the misgiving has been justified. One provocation led to another, till at last all Ireland was astonished and enraged to hear it proposed to hand the Irish Volunteers over to the English War Office; to hear Mr. Redmond actually offer to raise an Irish Brigade for the English Army. That was the breaking-point. It is a deep relief that the issue is now clear and that the Provisional Committee have given a lead on the right path to the Volunteers.
THE ISSUE.
Let there be no doubt about the issue. It is not on a party question but on the clear principle of allegiance to Ireland or England. And we mean to keep that issue unclouded. The pro-British pseudo-Nationalist Press is representing the manifesto as a Sinn Féin manifesto. It is nothing of the kind. It is a manifesto from all parties who will put Ireland first, and hold the Volunteers true to their original constitution, to win and defend Irish liberty. Captain Judge, who proposed the resolution of confidence in the Committee at Sunday’s nightly demonstration of Volunteers in Dublin, is a well-known Dublin Hibernian. Professor MacNeill, the Chairman of the Committee, was a follower of Mr. Redmond’s till Mr. Redmond openly betrayed Irish honour and dignity. Probably no two members of the Committee see eye to eye on all political questions, but they are all one for Ireland. On the other side, to our astonishment, are ranged Mr. Redmond, Mr. O’Brien, and their followers who have not yet repudiated them, all one for the Empire. No doubt if Ireland will be happy in the second place, they will endeavour to console her there. But in the meantime they will let loose English officers on the Irish Volunteers to wheedle or entrap our men into the English Army and leave Ireland undefended and betrayed. Let no one have illusions as to the arming of the Irish Volunteers by the English War Office, while they remain an Irish force. Lord Kitchener is the military dictator and he has spoken. He has denied explicitly any such intention. All he wants is that the Volunteers should supply him with recruits for his Army, and he will listen to nothing else. And it is infamous for any man, Mr. Redmond or another, to deceive the Irish people into believing anything else. With the English Government and the English War Office, it is England first. With us, it is Ireland first. That is the issue. And we repeat we mean to keep that issue unclouded.
MR. REDMOND’S RELIEF.
Mr. Redmond says in his letter to Col. Moore that he read the Volunteer manifesto ‘with feelings of great relief.’ We would be in hearty accord with him in this, did we believe him. But we don’t. Could a man be relieved who spoke at the opening of his recruiting campaign under the protection of machine guns? Hardly. But what a position for an Irish leader! The simple fact is equal testimony to the failure of the campaign and the gathering and threatening wrath of our people.
THE AUTHORITY OF THE PROVISIONAL COMMITTEE.
It is necessary at this juncture to tell the truth of the Volunteer movement in its origin. An attempt is being made by the party Press to discredit the Provisional Committee, and represent the Irish Party as having created the movement. It is one of the many current falsehoods. The truth in outline is this: the existence of the Ulster Volunteers set men thinking of the old Volunteers of ’82, and the possibility of establishing such a movement to-day. Professor MacNeill put the suggestion definitely into an article in ‘An Claidheamh Soluis’ of Nov. 1, 1913. He said there was nothing to prevent the other twenty-eight counties from calling into existence citizen forces, and speaking of the disbanding of the old Volunteers, wrote:
‘…the opportunity of rectifying a capital error of this sort does not always come back to nations.’
All Ireland took the hint. In the next issue of ‘An Claidheamh Soluis’, Mr P. H. Pearse wrote his approval, saying:
‘A thing that stands demonstrable is that nationhood is not achieved otherwise than in arms.’
It was the thought in all minds. A group of men came together in Dublin to take steps to start the movement. A public meeting was called. There was no attempt to create a spurious interest. It was entirely spontaneous. And the meeting proved to be the greatest demonstration held in Dublin for many years. Amid extraordinary enthusiasm the movement was launched. The gentlemen who called the meeting, with others nominated at the meeting, were constituted the Provisional Committee; and immediately they began to organise the country. Now that has to be emphasised. The party Press is trying to create the belief that the men at Headquarters were concerned only with Dublin, and of little influence there. The truth is, they travelled Ireland from Donegal to Cork, from Dublin to Galway, and by their enthusiasm, persistence, and self-sacrifice carried the movement forward with wonderful strides. All this time the Press, the supporters of Mr. Redmond and Mr. O’Brien alike, and the Members of Parliament of both Parties, were openly and secretly hostile. But the movement grew strong and spread like a prairie fire. It swept the country with enthusiasm, and the parties and the Press had to make terms. The movement could not be destroyed, therefore it should be captured, and Mr. Redmond issued his ultimatum. Now that ultimatum would not have been issued, had not the movement become organised and formidable: and further, note this, had not the growing army of Volunteers throughout the country looked to the Committee at Dublin Headquarters as their legitimate head. The Committee commanded an enthusiastic and loyal army. That was the head and front of their offending. To suggest now that the Committee and the Volunteers at the time of Mr. Redmond’s ultimatum were alike insignificant is a most amazing lie.
DEMOCRATIC CONTROL.
The ultimatum itself was based on a lie—the plea for democratic control. What are the facts? The Provisional Committee, as its name implied, was provisional only. Recognising that, it took steps to summon a Convention of Volunteers to put the movement on a democratic basis. The steps had actually been taken before Mr. Redmond issued his ultimatum. The ultimatum put an end to the proposed Volunteer Convention and true Volunteer control. But the Committee tried to save the situation by a counter proposal to co-opt on their body one delegate from each county, the delegates to be elected by the Volunteers themselves. Mr. Redmond would not have this: he insisted on his claim to nominate from without, not to elect from within. And this was to give us democratic control. Comment is needless. Genuine Volunteers throughout Ireland will be relieved that now the deception is at an end. And the enemies of the Volunteers will receive a mighty shock to their self-confidence if they think our people will stand unmoved at—to say nothing of supporting—the new and infamous betrayal of Ireland.
MR. REDMOND’S VOLUNTEERS.
As we go to press reports appear of the meeting called by Mr. Redmond to deal with the expulsion of his nominees from the Irish Volunteers. The meeting was held at mid-day—we presume in the interest of democratic control. For thinking men it needs no examination. For even the unthinking one fact emerges sufficient to damn outright at its inception the new movement inaugurated to attack the Irish Volunteers. That fact is the constitution of Mr. Redmond’s proposed Convention. With the delegates from the Companies—supposing there is one—there will also sit all Mr. Redmond’s nominees on the Committee and all the members of the Irish Party. If democratic control lifts its head here it will, indeed, be a miracle. Should there be even a few genuine but misguided Volunteers who still follow Mr. Redmond, we invite them to note the trust he places in them. They will not control the decisions of the Convention. That is secured for Mr. Redmond’s nominees and the Irish Party now become recruiting sergeants. But it is all to the good. The cause that requires this is a discredited cause and a lost cause, that every honest man will repudiate and abandon.