Speech in Conciliation Hall, July 13th, 1846.
I beg leave, my Lord Mayor, to say a few words upon the report that has been brought up from the committee by Mr. O’Connell, relative to the Dungarvan election. Mr. O’Connell has stated that the report was unanimously adopted. I wish to explain what occurred in the committee. I spoke against the resolution that was adopted—I urged a contest. It is true that when the question was put from the chair I did not express my dissent. That was a mistake I assure you. I did not assent to that report—I could not do so in conscience. No candidate appeared, that is true—no candidate was put forward, I believe. That fact, I conceive, was the only one that justified the decision that was made by the committee—it is the only one that can justify the Association in giving its sanction to that report. My lord, I sincerely regret that no effort was made to procure a candidate, and that a different course was not advised by the committee. I regret exceedingly that the battle for Repeal was not fought upon the hustings of Dungarvan, against all odds, and in the teeth of every risk. The influence of the Duke of Devonshire has been alluded to. If the fear of ducal influence, my lord, is to deter us from the assertion of our rights, farewell, then, say I, to public honour, to public virtue, to public liberty in Ireland. If in the Cavendishes there lies a stronger spell than in the banner of Repeal, our cause, in truth, is hopeless. Had we won the battle, the result is obvious. A new impulse would have been given to the country, and a spirit have been evoked that might have prompted the less resolute constituencies of the country to the firm assertion of the national principle.
Had we sustained a defeat, even then, my lord, we would have gained not a few advantages. In the first place, we would have convinced the opponents of Repeal that we were thoroughly in earnest, and have rescued the Association from the aspersions of its enemies. This done, the ground on which we stand would have been strengthened by a more implicit belief in our sincerity. In the next place, a defeat might have proved a serviceable lesson to the Repealers of Dungarvan, teaching them the nature and extent of their resources, and how far those resources should be improved, so that a second defeat might be impossible. Above all, my lord, a contest in Dungarvan, however it might have eventuated, would have taught the Whigs that the heart of Ireland was bent upon Repeal, and that, even in the most adverse circumstances, it would not permit the promises of a party to obviate the principles of a people. A contest would have taught the Whigs that we are here organised not to serve them, but to emancipate ourselves. It would have taught them that we look beyond the boons, the sympathies, the appointments which an English political school may acquire the temporary power to distribute, and that we aspire to the wealth, the influence, the independence which an Irish parliament sitting in this the Irish capital, composed exclusively of Irish citizens, and wholly exempt from English control, would have the permanent ability to confer.
My lord, I fear that the election of Richard Sheil, unopposed, as it has been, will cast a stain upon the records of this Association. That is my opinion, and by that opinion I will abide. If another exception be made—if another constituency be exempted from the Repeal test, then I frankly tell you, I must say that a gross injustice has been done in the cases of Cork and Cashel to Serjeant Murphy and to Serjeant Stock. The constituencies of those places made great sacrifices to assert the national principle. Serjeant Stack was a man of sound ability and stern integrity. Against him there was never uttered a complaint by his constituents. Serjeant Murphy was a scholar, a gentleman, and a patriot. He was an ornament to the Irish representative body; and, my lord, I know not whether the electors of Cork conferred a greater honour upon Serjeant Murphy by selecting him as their representative, than Serjeant Murphy conferred upon the electors of Cork by representing them. In making these remarks, my lord, I trust I shall not be misconceived. I do not urge a factious resistance to the Whigs. I do not say that we should not sanction the measures they propose for the amelioration of the country. On the contrary, I say that we are bound to sanction those measures, and to aid in their promotion. But what I mean to convey is this, that we ought not, and on principle we cannot, manifest more favour towards the Whigs now that they are in office, than during the late administration we felt it our duty to manifest towards the Conservatives. During the late administration we gave our support to the Conservatives when they brought forward measures that were deemed beneficial to the interests and the institutions of this country. The Irish members voted with them on the Maynooth grant—voted with them on the corn question. On these occasions your conduct was wise, but it was not partisan. Act, then, towards the Whigs precisely as you have acted towards the Conservatives. Thus, my lord, will this Association sustain its independent character; and whilst it acquires a few benefits, it will not compromise a great principle. Then, my lord, it seems to me that, in giving our support to the Whigs whenever we may be called upon to give that support, we should be most careful lest we narrow the basis of this Association.
What, may I ask, is the nature of that basis? It is broad and comprehensive—as broad and comprehensive as the island, the national liberties of which it is our ambition to erect upon it. It was made thus so that all sects and parties in the country might here confederate, linked together in one common sentiment for the achievement of one great comprehensive object. It was not limited to Whig dimensions—it was not limited to Conservative dimensions—it was not limited to Protestant dimensions—it was not limited to Catholic dimensions—it was made broad and comprehensive, as I said before, so that every Irish citizen might come here, no matter what his politics might be—no matter what his theology might be—no matter what his lineage might be—and win back for Ireland the right of self-government—a right, my lord, that is common to every party, and which, if justly exercised, will serve every interest in the state. If we do not act towards the Whigs precisely as we have acted towards the Conservatives—if we do not preserve a strict impartiality between both parties—if we do not maintain an independent position—if, on the contrary, we permit this Association to assume a Whig aspect, and be guided by a Whig spirit, then we narrow the basis on which we now stand; we shall exclude the Irish Conservatives—we may exclude the Irish Radicals. The Manchester League has been frequently referred to in this Hall. It is a guiding model, as it is an inspiring hope. That great confederacy was organised for one purpose, and one purpose only; it was based upon one broad principle; it was the auxiliary of no party; it included men of all parties, I believe. I recollect a speech delivered by Mr. Cobden, at a meeting in Gloucester, previous to the meeting of parliament. In that speech the great champion of Free Trade observed that in the League thousands were associated, having but one common sentiment to combine them—that, for instance, his friend, Mr. Bright, and he differed upon a number of questions—perhaps upon no other question but the corn laws did their opinions coincide. Such was the basis of the Manchester League, now a great historic memory—such do I conceive the basis of this Association to be—such would I have it to remain. Besides, my lord, it appears to me that, if the Whig government is sincere in the professions it has made, and if, as it has been asserted, it can command a great legislative power, the good measures which have been promised by them will be carried without our special aid, I trust. The measures of the present minister will be passed, I hope, without any wavering on his part—without any compromise on ours. The concession of privileges that have been long withheld—the enactment of laws that have been long denied, will not, I hope, produce in Ireland the result the Whigs predict.
It is true, my lord, that some men may desert from the national ranks, take place, abandon Repeal, and violate the national vow. It is the curse of society that from principles the most sacred there have ever been apostates. I consider that Repeal is not an open question—I conceive that any Repealer taking office under the present government would be an apostate from the cause. My lord, for this cause I have no fear, I trust in the growing spirit of the country—in the thoughtful and truthful spirit of a new mind. I will conclude now by referring to an observation made by the honourable member for Kilkenny—namely, that any person not concurring in the repudiation of physical force should cease to be a member of the Association. I agree that no other means should be adopted in the Association but moral means and peaceful means; but, my lord, whilst I am prepared to co-operate with you and the other members of the Association in carrying out the present policy—and I will do so until that policy either succeed, or that you determine that it is futile—I say if you determine that it is futile and that Repeal cannot be carried by such means, then I am prepared to adopt another policy—a policy no less honourable though it may be more perilous—a policy which I cannot disclaim as inefficient or immoral, for great names have sanctioned its adoption, and noble events have attested its efficiency.
[This speech was continually interrupted by O’Connell and his supporters].